No Cellular Tower at Antietam or Why Gettysburg is not Sacred Ground

The Civil War Preservation Trust has recently released their top 10 most endangered list and it includes Antietam, in part, because of a proposed cellular phone tower that may go up just south of the battlefield.  I sincerely hope that this does not happen, although I have no ill-feelings towards the company responsible for such an eye sore.  After all the residents of Sharpsburg weren’t engaged in battlefield preservation following the war.  I love visiting Antietam.  It was where I was introduced to the Civil War in 1994 and it is one of the few battlefields where I can walk and actually contemplate the bravery of the men who fought there as well as the broader meanings of the war.  This spring I will have the opportunity to bring around 15 students to the battlefield as part of a 2-day bike tour.  In short, for me Antietam is the closest thing to “sacred ground.”

I have never felt the same about Gettysburg.  Although I was against the push to bring a casino to Gettysburg I never viewed it as a moral question, and when the observation tower came down I never thought of it as bringing us a step closer to some notion of battlefield purity.  And I am probably one of the few who would hate to see the Cyclorama Center torn down.  Whenever I travel to Gettysburg (it’s not that often) I find it close to impossible to think about the battle itself apart from the distractions of the town and the ways in which the battlefield was utilized following the war.  I guess too much has happened to simply see it as a battlefield where men fought and died.  Yes, you can find a battle at Gettysburg and much to contemplate, but you can just as easily find overweight white male reenactors, white tourists, ghosts [I assume most of them are white.], cheap hotels, and trinkets galore.  Please don’t blame me for holding such a view as Americans made the decision to commercialize and sell it long ago.

Rally on the High Ground and keep the cell phone tower away from Antietam.


Why Did Stonewall Jackson Join the Presbyterian Church?

Yesterday I briefly referenced the latest issue of the VMHB which contains a wonderful essay on Stonewall Jackson by Christopher R. Lawton.  I finished reading the essay this morning and it has left me with a great deal to think about.  Lawton provides both a gendered and generational analysis of the evolution of Jackson’s public and private life between his admission to West Point and his arrival in Lexington, Virginia.  Along the way Lawton challenges the analytical frameworks of Wilbur J. Cash and Bertram Wyatt-Brown who imagine white Southern men as yearning to live the life of the slaveholding elite and practicing a set of values revolving around a strict code of honor.

Central to this recent historiography is that the myth of the emotionally-driven antebellum southerner must be replaced with a new sense that many southern men were far closer to the stereotype of the rational northerner than to the honor and violence models of Cash and Wyatt-Brown.  An account of Thomas Jackson’s carefully plotted ascension into privileged white manhood is thus far less radical than it might initially seem.  Jackson was not an exception among white, middle-class southern men, but rather a fairly typical model.  His strategic development of self was directed by the belief that the role of “gentlemen,” to which he and so many of his contemporaries aspired, was not a preexisting condition but a position that one created in the act of playing the part. (p. 9)

This emphasis on performatives, according to Lawton, was shaped by Jackson’s careful reading of popular texts such as Parson Weems’s biography of Washington and John Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress, his training at West Point which emphasized the importance of putting into practice moral precepts that would bring about a “Gentlemen of manners, of politeness & of education,” and in his generation’s reverence for the Founding Fathers.  Finally, there were the countless books of maxims that Jackson carefully studied – the most famous being, “You may be whatever you resolve to be” which was pulled verbatim from the Rev. Joel Hawes’s Letters to Young Men on the Formation of Character &c.  Jackson utilized these resources as a means to becoming a soldier, citizen, and gentlemen.  What I like about this article is that it implicitly challenges the assumption that Jackson’s life is impenetrable; we see the same thing when it comes to R.E. Lee.  Somehow in the process of turning these men into gods we distance ourselves from their humanity and desires.  Such is the case when it comes to Jackson and religion.

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Taking Stonewall Jackson Seriously

The latest issue of the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (Vol. 116, No. 1) arrived today and contains a very thoughtful essay by Christopher R. Lawton who is currently a doctoral candidate at the University of Georgia.  The essay which is titled “The Pilgrim’s Progress: Thomas J. Jackson’s Journey Toward Civility and Citizenship” uses Jackson as a case study to analyze “the struggles that faced many antebellum white males, about the models they were told to follow, and about expectations that they had to overcome.” (p. 4)  Here is the abstract:

In this article the author argues that applying the methodologies of gender and cultural studies to the prewar life of Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson provides a new and exceptionally fruitful path of enquiry into the biography of one of the Confederacy’s most iconic heroes. Conversely, approaching these modern fields of study by way of such a prominent figure allows for an enriched version of what masculinity studies can do. Whereas other historians have challenged James I. Robertson, Jr.’s assertions about the importance of the book of maxims in understanding Jackson’s character, this article contends that Jackson was extraordinarily concerned with defining and following a hegemonic model of white, middle-class manhood. To that end, the argument is built around a careful and in-depth exploration of the cultural milieu in which he came of age, the books he read and that filtered into his maxims, and the social realm to which he aspired in Lexington. It is hoped that this essay makes small, but worthwhile contributions to studies of southern social mobility, the Civil War, and our understanding of antebellum manhood.

Anyone interested in a sophisticated treatment of a crucial period of Jackson’s life should spend some time with this article.  It’s a breadth of fresh air in contrast with the overly simplistic slop that passes for biography and analysis in some quarters.  The fundamental problem with the more popular interpretations of Jackson is an almost complete lack of historical context.  In other words, the authors in question for whatever reason are unable to analyze their subject with an understanding of the broader social, political, and economic conditions in which they lived.  Such is the case with most treatments of Jackson’s views of slavery and his religious outlook.

The problem is that the authors in question know very little about the subjects they write about, especially in the case of the history of religion in the nineteenth-century and the complexity of race and slavery.  No, it’s not enough that you are a self-described Christian or that you believe Jackson’s life should serve as a model for your own.  In fact, it is difficult to see how any religious affiliation  could be considered a necessary condition for writing a respectable study of Jackson or any other Lost Cause figure.  The net result of many of these studies is a watered down view of Jackson that fails to do justice to his complexity of character and the world in which he operated.

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Edgerton Sighting in Ringgold, Georgia

He’s back and more committed than ever to telling the “true” story of the Confederacy and the loyal place that black Southerners occupied within it.  H.K. Edgerton was in Ringgold earlier this week to “stage a peaceful protest against the City Council’s decision to remove the Confederate battle flag from above the Depot downtown in 2005.”  Unfortunately, the available news does not tell the complete story and this has everything to do with Edgerton’s presence, who is ultimately a distraction.  Check out the news item referenced above and you will notice that most of the story is devoted to the fact that Edgerton is black and carries a Confederate flag.  We end up trying to figure out what he is about and in the process inflating his own sense of importance.

Two of my readers were kind enough to send along additional information about this story that did not make the paper.  It turns out that the Ringgold City Council removed the Confederate battle flag from a memorial that the SCV had erected in downtown area and as a compromise they flew a Hardee Corps flag, which was used by Cleburne’s Division in the battle there.  About a month ago the city council learned that they were being sued by Kirk Lyons of the Southern Legal Resource Center. I am willing to bet that Lyons contacted Edgerton to travel to Ringgold in order to bring attention to this case.  I am also willing to bet that until Lyons sued there were few problems in Ringgold over the compromise that had been struck which left a bona fide symbol of the Confederate cause in a public space.  The problem, of course, is that most white Americans don’t identify with the Hardee Corps flag or know much of anything about its history.  Wouldn’t it be more fitting to honor the white Southern men who fought in this area by displaying the actual flag they carried into battle or is that not what this controversy is about?


This Republic of Suffering: A Really, Really Good Undergraduate Paper

Dimitri offers some observations about Drew Faust’s latest study "in terms of the broader culture in which it appears…"  I don’t know what this is supposed to mean, but if he ever gets around to actually critiquing Faust’s argument let me know.  Oh…and don’t miss the ultimate anti-Gallagher/McPherson rant.  This one is a true classic.


Jackson County, Alabama Walks a Fine Line

Jackson County, Alabama recently passed a proclamation declaring April as Confederate Heritage and History Month.  You gotta love the wording of this one:

The proclamation states that its purpose is to recognize Montgomery’s role as the birthplace of the Confederacy and that “upon the conclusion of the war, many of these same leaders and citizens worked tirelessly to reunite and rebuild this country and forge reconciliation.” Also, “our recognition of Confederate history also recognizes that slavery was one of the causes of the war, an issue in the war, was ended by the war and slavery is hereby condemned.

The proclamation states that “the knowledge of the role of the Confederate States of America in the history of our state and nation is vital to understanding who we are and what we are” and that its purpose is to “honor our past and from it draw the courage, strength and wisdom to reconcile ourselves and go forward into the future together as Alabamians and Americans.

I wonder if black Alabamians in the postwar-South would agree that the state’s leaders struggled to “reunite” and “rebuild” this country through a process of “reconciliation.”  And can you believe that slavery was mentioned in a proclamation of this sort?  Don’t get too excited, however.  Claiming that slavery was “one of the causes” really means that it was no more or less important than the tariff.  That said, I agree wholeheartedly with the first quote in the second paragraph, though I suspect not for the same reasons that the author[s] intended.


Museum of the Confederacy and NAACP Working Together?

This is a promising development.  Many of you are aware that the Museum of the Confederacy hopes to spread its wings in the coming years as a way of getting out from under the shadow and construction cranes around the VCU Medical Center.  This will involve moving its collection to four different locations in time for or during the Civil War Sesquicentennial.  One of the locations currently under consideration is in Spotsylvania Court House.  In preparation for this move MOC President Waite Rawls has met with various local organizations including the Spotsylvania Chapter of the NAACP.  Surprisingly, they seem to be receptive to the museum:

On Thursday, he [Rawls] met with the NAACP at Mount Hope Baptist Church.
About 50 people attended, along with five Spotsylvania supervisors.  "What we are looking for is balance," said NAACP member Col. Horace
McCaskill. "We’re not adverse to learning about the Confederacy side,
but we want the whole story to be told, and we need to understand that."  The "whole story" means "all cultures involved in the Civil War,"
including the roles of free and enslaved blacks and Americans Indian,
he said.

Layton Fairchild, a former candidate for the Board of Supervisors, said people want to know the truth about the war.  "There are a lot of stereotypes on both sides, the white side of
history and the black side of history," he said. "If we had an
institution come in and say ‘This is how it happened and let’s get
educated,’ I think that is the most important thing."

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Honoring a Union Man in the Heart of the Confederacy

I had a great time last night in Fredericksburg where I spoke to the Rappahannock County Civil War Round Table.  My friend and fellow historian John Hennessy gave me a very gracious introduction and the audience seemed very receptive to the topic of the Crater and historical memory.  This is my second time speaking to this particular group and both occasions have been well worth the drive from Charlottesville.

Before the evening’s program got underway I spoke with a gentlemen who is working with the National Welsh American Foundation to honor Sergeant Henry Reese of the 48th Pennsylvania with a Medal of Honor for his roll at the Crater.  Reese was actually recommended for the medal but for some reason it was not conferred.  Here is the recommendation:

Having performed a conspicuous act of gallantry on July 30, 1864.  In the undermining and destruction of the Rebel Fort No. 5 in front of Petersburg, Va, the fuse leading to the magazine had been spliced about 15 feet from the face of the mine, where the fuse was first lighted, it burned to the splice, when the fire went out, and, after the time set for the explosion had elapsed Sergeant Henry Reese volunteered to enter the mine and relight the fuse at the splice, which he successfully accomplished, and returned to safety to the mouth of the mine, and in one minute after the explosion took place.

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